China | Russian in
Vladimir Putin’s turn with Xi Jinping
Hosting back-to-back visits by Putin and Trump, China shows its power
May 21st 2026
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For Xi Jinping, a leader who aspires to place China at the centre of world affairs, it was a triumphant week of diplomacy. Just four days after Donald Trump concluded a visit to Beijing, looking for business deals and help with Iran, Vladimir Putin turned up, seeking assistance for his war in Ukraine. Russia’s president, like America’s, lavished praise on his host and left with a clutch of agreements. But like Mr Trump’s, the deals were short on detail. And the enduring image at home and abroad was one of China as the fulcrum of global geopolitics, dealing with America as an equal and Russia as a junior partner.
China had not originally planned for the visits to be so close: Mr Trump’s was scheduled for early April but delayed by the war in the Gulf. Still, the timing worked well for Mr Xi. It sent a clear message that better relations between China and America will not come at the expense of his “no limits” partnership with Mr Putin. At the same time, Mr Xi showed the leverage that he has gained over Russia since its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Despite talk of shared interests, Mr Putin ended his two-day visit on May 20th without a long-discussed deal on the building of another gas pipeline between Russia and China.
Mr Putin’s visit was not as elaborate as Mr Trump’s. China greeted the Kremlin’s leader in the same way, with a military honour guard, a 21-gun salute and cheering children. Mr Xi and Mr Putin then held formal talks, followed by another meeting over tea, in the Great Hall of the People. But there was no equivalent of Mr Trump’s private tours of the Temple of Heaven and Zhongnanhai, the leadership compound. And Mr Putin and Mr Xi did not attempt any of the more personal displays of camaraderie that they have staged before, such as swigging vodka, making pancakes or watching a hockey game.
Instead they emphasised the breadth of their relationship and their shared opposition to many aspects of American policy. In a lengthy joint statement, they condemned American and Israeli attacks on Iran, as well as the abduction of heads of state (a clear reference to Venezuela’s). They expressed opposition to sanctions on North Korea and to external interference in Latin America and the Caribbean. They criticised Mr Trump’s “Golden Dome” missile-defence project as well as America’s “irresponsible” nuclear policy. And they renewed calls for a multipolar world order, warning of a drift towards the “law of the jungle”. As Mr Xi put it, in a thinly veiled reference to America: “The tide of unilateral hegemony is running rampant.”
In his public remarks, China’s leader put particular emphasis on the Middle East. He called for a “complete cessation of hostilities” there, warning that it would be “unacceptable” to resume fighting. That was sharper language than he used during Mr Trump’s visit. The Trump administration has been considering the possibility of resuming strikes on Iran, which have been suspended since a ceasefire was announced in mid-April.
Russian officials emphasised the 40 or so agreements that were signed during the summit, covering areas ranging from artificial intelligence and border infrastructure to co-operation in space and the protection of tigers and leopards. Mr Putin highlighted energy ties, noting that Russia was one of China’s biggest suppliers of oil and gas and that nearly all their trade was done in roubles or yuan, protecting it from “external influence” (that is, American sanctions). He invited Mr Xi, whom he called a “dear friend”, to visit Russia in 2027.
Yet there were few details of how the agreements would be implemented. And there was no mention in them, or in the two leaders’ public remarks, of Power of Siberia 2—a 1,600-mile (2,600-km) pipeline that would carry up to 50bn cubic metres of gas annually from eastern Russia to northern China via Mongolia. Russia is keen to make progress on the project to secure a new market for gas it can no longer sell to Europe. But China has been driving a hard bargain on price, volumes and other terms. It has also been reluctant to rely on any single supplier for more than about 20% of its hydrocarbon imports, a level it has already reached with Russia.
Russian officials had hoped that China would show more flexibility since the closure of the Strait of Hormuz highlighted the vulnerability of its seaborne imports of energy. About 90% of China’s oil imports still come by sea, largely from the Middle East, despite its efforts to diversify supplies and build pipelines across its borders. China and Russia seemed to make progress on the project when Mr Putin visited Beijing in September. Alexey Miller, the boss of Russia’s state-run gas company, Gazprom, announced afterwards that they had signed a legally binding memorandum. China also committed to “advancing preliminary work” on the project in its latest five-year plan, unveiled in March.
In the end, though, Mr Xi appears to have stood firm on his demands for better terms. That underlined how Russia, once China’s patron, has become dependent on Chinese economic support as well as dual-use technology for the war in Ukraine. “It’s a pretty solid display of how much leverage China has,” says Alexander Gabuev, director of the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Centre, a think-tank in Berlin. “Putin comes out not really empty-handed—everything that’s working is working—but there is no additional mileage that China is willing to go to support him, unless it’s really very beneficial for the Chinese.” Mr Gabuev also said that the back-to-back summits played well for Mr Xi by suggesting that he has better relations with both Mr Putin and Mr Trump than they have with each other.
Other deals between China and Russia may not have been made public. One of Mr Putin’s priorities was likely to have been securing access to more dual-use items, including [drone components](../09-China/02-How China quietly helps Russia in Ukraine.md). Mr Xi, meanwhile, had been expected to seek more Russian help in developing China’s military capabilities, especially in undersea warfare, and in accessing data and tactical insights from the front lines in Ukraine. The two leaders’ statement did not mention such matters, saying only that the two countries would deepen defence co-operation, expand joint military exercises and patrols, and “work together to address various risks and challenges”.
Further details may emerge in the days following the summit, just as they have trickled out since Mr Trump left Beijing. For the moment, however, Mr Xi must be celebrating a diplomatic double-bill that brought him closer than ever to the Sino-centric world he craves. ■
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This article was downloaded by zlibrary from https://www.economist.com//china/2026/05/18/vladimir-putins-turn-with-xi-jinping